In the evolving landscape of global geopolitics, the relationship between the United States and Europe stands at a pivotal juncture. Andrius Kubilius, the European Union Commissioner for Defense and Space, has repeatedly argued that recent American policy shifts reveal a deeper anxiety in Washington: fear of a Europe that might finally become too strong, too unified, and too independent. He portrays the United States as a declining hegemon deliberately working to prevent the rise of a genuine European pole of power.
This interpretation, however, collapses under the weight of evidence. The United States is not attempting to contain a formidable Europe. It is attempting to stop indefinitely subsidizing a weak, divided, and militarily negligible one. Far from fearing European strength, Washington has lost faith in Europe’s willingness or capacity to become a serious strategic actor. The cold realism of the 2025 United States National Security Strategy, combined with decades of hard data on defence spending, capability gaps, and institutional paralysis, demonstrates that America’s new approach is designed to force Europe to assume responsibility for its own security so that the United States can concentrate on the far more dangerous challenge posed by China.
This article examines the evidence in detail. It analyses the tone and substance of the 2025 National Security Strategy, presents comprehensive data on European defence expenditure and military capabilities, exposes the structural vetoes that prevent unified action, and places the entire dynamic within the broader context of America’s strategic pivot to the Indo-Pacific region. The conclusion is unambiguous: the United States is not sabotaging European power. It is refusing, at long last, to continue paying for European weakness.
The 2025 United States National Security Strategy: A Brutal Diagnosis, Not a Conspiracy
The 2025 National Security Strategy is remarkable for its unflinching assessment of Europe. It describes a continent whose share of global gross domestic product has fallen from roughly 25% in 1990 to 14% today, whose regulatory burden has stifled innovation, whose demographic decline is accelerating, and whose collective defense posture remains embarrassingly inadequate. The document explicitly states that Europe possesses an overwhelming conventional military advantage over Russia yet has allowed itself to become strategically paralyzed by lack of will and poor past decisions.
On security burden-sharing, the strategy is merciless. It notes that the United States has shouldered the overwhelming majority of NATO’s effective combat power for decades while many European allies treated the 2% guideline as an aspirational ceiling rather than a floor. The new Hague Commitment of 5% of gross domestic product on defense, with 3.5% dedicated to core military requirements, is presented not as a suggestion but as the minimum necessary for Europe to defend itself without permanent American life support.
Perhaps most telling is Europe’s absence from the proposed Core 5 framework (United States, China, Russia, India, Japan) that the strategy envisions as the future steering group for global order. If Washington genuinely believed the European Union was on the verge of becoming a geopolitical heavyweight, it would have insisted on a seat for Brussels at that table. The fact that it did not speaks volumes.
Defence Spending: The Numbers Do Not Lie
In 2025, European Union member states are projected to spend a combined €381 billion on defense, equivalent to approximately $421 billion. This represents an 11% increase from 2024 and a 63% rise since 2020. Impressive on paper, yet still dwarfed by the United States defense budget of $850 billion, which equates to 3.38% of American gross domestic product.
Within Europe, commitment remains wildly uneven. Poland spends 4.12% of gross domestic product, Estonia 3.43%, Latvia 3.15%, and Greece 3.08%. Germany, the economic engine of the continent, manages only 2.12%. France stands at 2.08%, Italy at 1.95%, while Spain and Belgium remain below 1.5%. The European average of 2.1% falls short of even the old NATO target, let alone the new 5% benchmark.
More damning than the headline figures is how the money is spent. According to the European Defense Agency, only 18% of European defense expenditure goes to equipment procurement and research and development, below NATO’s own 20% guideline. The United States, by contrast, allocates over $140 billion annually to defense research and development alone. Europe’s spending surge since 2022 has been real, but it has been overwhelmingly reactive, personnel-heavy, and nationally fragmented rather than transformative.
Institutional Paralysis: The Unanimity Trap
The European Union’s foreign and security policy operates under a unanimity rule enshrined in Article 31 of the Treaty on European Union. Every single member state possesses an absolute veto. This is not a minor procedural detail; it is the single greatest obstacle to Europe ever acting as a coherent geopolitical entity.
Hungary has used its veto dozens of times since 2022 to delay or dilute sanctions on Russia, statements on China, and military aid packages to Ukraine. Slovakia, Cyprus, and others have deployed the same weapon on issues ranging from migration to relations with Turkey. The result is a policy process that moves at the speed of the most reluctant capital. Qualified majority voting has been repeatedly proposed for sanctions and human rights declarations, yet implementing it requires, ironically, unanimous agreement to change the treaties.
Military integration fares no better. The European Union Battlegroups, ready since 2007, have never once been deployed because political consensus could not be reached. Joint procurement through the European Defense Fund (€8 billion for 2021–2027) is routinely undermined by national protectionism. Europe still operates more than 150 different major weapon systems, compared with the United States manages fewer than 30.
Comparative Military Power: Potential Without Cohesion
On paper, Europe possesses formidable assets: roughly 2,000 combat aircraft, 6,000 main battle tanks, 130 major surface combatants, and 1,400,000 active-duty personnel. A genuinely unified European force would rank among the top three military powers on earth.
In reality, those assets are scattered across 27 separate command structures, dozens of incompatible logistics chains, and mutually incomprehensible doctrines. Europe has no equivalent to the United States global network of 800 overseas bases, no unified rapid-reaction command, and no political mechanism capable of authorizing the use of force without weeks or months of negotiation.
When Global Firepower ranked national military strength in 2025, the highest-placed European countries were France (6th) and the United Kingdom (7th). A hypothetical fully integrated European Union army might rank 2nd or 3rd, but that hypothetical is blocked by the same vetoes and parochial interests that have paralyzed the continent for decades.
The Indo-Pacific Pivot: America’s Real Strategic Priority
The United States has been executing a strategic reorientation toward Asia for fifteen years. The 2025 National Security Strategy simply makes official what has long been obvious: China, with its $296 billion defense budget, world’s largest navy by hull count, and rapidly expanding nuclear and hypersonic arsenal, is the pacing threat.
Alliances such as the Quad and AUKUS, massive investments in Guam and the First Island Chain, and the creation of new joint commands all reflect this reality. Maintaining 80,000 troops in Europe and subsidizing the continent’s defense against a Russia that Europe could easily overmatch conventionally is no longer strategically tenable.
By pushing Europe to take primary responsibility for its own neighborhood, Washington is not abandoning the continent. It is attempting to create the conditions under which a genuine partnership of equals becomes possible.
The Missing Ingredients of Hegemony
True geopolitical power requires five elements: hard power projection capability, strategic unity, rapid and coherent decision making, credible coercive tools, and the political will to accept risk and casualties. Europe currently possesses precisely zero of these in meaningful measure.
It has latent hard power but cannot project it coherently. It has 27 foreign policies instead of one. It decides by veto rather than vote. It prefers sanctions and statements to kinetic action. And when asked whether they would actually fight if their country were invaded, only 38% of Germans, 41% of Italians, and 45% of French respondents answered yes in recent polls.
Until those deficits are addressed, talk of Europe as an emerging superpower will remain what it has always been: wishful thinking from Brussels conference halls.
Conclusion: Necessity as the Mother of Capability
Andrius Kubilius is right about one thing: the United States has become unpredictable from a traditional European perspective. But the unpredictability stems not from fear of European strength but from exhaustion with European weakness.
Washington is no longer willing to write blank checks for a continent that treats defense as an afterthought. In refusing to do so, it is performing Europe the greatest possible service: removing the comfortable illusion that American protection is eternal and cost free.
A Europe that finally spends 5% of gross domestic product on defense, that reforms or abolishes the unanimity rule in security matters, that consolidates its fragmented forces under a single operational command, and that rediscovers the will to defend itself would not be contained by anyone. It would be welcomed by Washington as the partner it has long claimed to want.
The EU will never be a geopolitical player because it is missing every single organ required for survival in the big leagues: no army, no balls, no unity, no willingness to bleed, and a decision making process that makes continental drift look like Usain Bolt.
America is not sabotaging a strong Europe. America is just finally telling Europe to get off the couch, stop whining, and pay its own fucking bills for once.
But keep coping, Andrius. Keep telling yourself the big bad Yankees are scared of your mighty union of cheese bureaucrats and windmill inspectors. The rest of us will be over here laughing until we puke.
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